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81.
We develop a two-country, two-sector model of trade where the only difference between the two countries is their distribution of human capital endowments. We show that even if the two countries have identical aggregate human capital endowments the pattern of trade depends on the properties of the two human capital distributions. We also show that the two distributions of endowments also completely determine the effects of trade on income inequality. We also look at a simple majority voting model. It turns out autarky and free trade with and without compensation may be the voting outcome. 相似文献
82.
This paper addresses the question of the existence of corporate philanthropy. It proposes a framework for analysing corporate philanthropy along the dimensions of business/society interest and primary/secondary stakeholder focus. The framework is then applied in order to understand business involvement with the arts in the U.K. A unique dataset of 60 texts which describe different firms' involvement with the Arts is analysed using formal content analysis to uncover the motivations for business involvement. Cluster analysis is then used in order to identify motivational groupings. Two broad types of involvement are identified – advertisers and legitimators. Only in one case of the 60 is there the potential to observe pure altruism. The contribution of this paper is twofold. First, it provides a clear framework to understand the motivations for corporate giving and applies this using empirical data. Secondly, this research finds little evidence, if at all, of corporate philanthropy in the context of firms giving to the Arts in the U.K. 相似文献
83.
84.
Nir Kshetri 《Journal of International Entrepreneurship》2009,7(3):236-259
There is growing recognition among post-socialist (PS) economies that free-market entrepreneurship is essential for ultimately
improving their economic future. The promotion of market entrepreneurship, however, has been a challenging experience for
these economies. This paper examines various forms of entrepreneurship in PS economies. Drawing upon the institutional theory,
we also highlight the clear contexts and attendant mechanisms associated with institutions–entrepreneurship nexus in PS economies’
contexts.
相似文献
Nir KshetriEmail: |
85.
政府干预、政治关联与企业非效率投资——基于中国上市公司面板数据的实证研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
以2004~2009年间701家上市公司为样本,研究政府干预、政治关联对企业非效率投资行为的影响。研究发现:政府干预一方面会加剧有自由现金流量公司的过度投资,对国有企业过度投资的影响更为严重;另一方面可以有效地缓解融资约束企业的投资不足,尤其是国有企业的投资不足。这说明,出于自身的政策性负担或政治晋升目标,政府会损害或支持所控制的企业,这为政府"掠夺之手理论"和"支持之手理论"提供了实证支持。研究还发现,政治关联与过度投资和投资不足均负相关,这表明,政治关联可以作为法律保护的替代机制来保护企业产权免受政府损害,并为企业谋取利益。 相似文献
86.
金融危机后,以危机推手著称的美国信评机构因群体性道德风险和贩卖劣质公信力而备受国际谴责.为此,三大机构不同程度地修订了主权信用评级规则,并自2010年下半年以来,联袂发布了美国主权信用评级的负面意见,尤其是2011年轮番下调美国主权信用评级前景展望至负面,希望借此塑造其公正、客观的商业形象.但是,三大机构的政治附属物属性决定了三大机构发布的美国主权信用评级负面意见,本质上是一场政治逻辑与资本逻辑的较量,更多展现为一种政治博弈的需要,并使自己陷入了债务上限与主权信用评级的政治悖论困境. 相似文献
87.
《Economic Systems》2015,39(2):288-300
This study applies the bootstrap panel causality test proposed by Kónya (2006. Econ Modell 23, 978) to investigate the causal link between political uncertainty and stock prices for seven OECD countries over the monthly period of 2001.01 to 2013.04. This modeling approach allows us to examine both cross-sectional dependency and country-specific heterogeneity. Our empirical results indicate that not all the countries are alike and that the theoretical prediction that stock prices fall at the announcement of a policy change is not always supported. Specifically, we find evidence for the stock price leading hypothesis for Italy and Spain, while the political uncertainty leading hypothesis cannot be rejected for the United Kingdom and the United States. In addition, the neutrality hypothesis was supported in the remaining three countries (Canada, France and Germany), while no evidence for the feedback hypothesis was found. 相似文献
88.
全球港口间集装箱运输贸易网络的时空分异 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
在科学估测全球集装箱吞吐量排名前100位的港口间集装箱运输贸易流的基础上,综合考察全球港口间集装箱运输贸易的时空演化格局,并从全球港口间集装箱运输贸易联系的角度揭示全球港口间集装箱运输贸易网络的等级结构。结果表明:1在研究期内,全球已经形成以北美、西欧、东亚—东南亚三个区域港口间集装箱贸易连接为主体,三个区域内部港口间集装箱贸易连接为支撑的港口间集装箱运输贸易流网络空间格局;2全球港口间的集装箱运输贸易流网络的复杂性与完整性大大增加,各港口间的集装箱运输贸易流在研究期内经历一个由近及远的空间递减过程,地理邻近依然是有利于促进港口间集装箱运输贸易流的一个重要因素;3全球多数港口间的集装箱运输贸易联系比较松散,仅少数港口的联系紧密,这种全球集装箱运输贸易港口分布格局等级差异的形成是世界海运贸易网络区域分异、组合特征的反映;4港口集装箱运输贸易首位联系呈现出明显的区域化特征,港口的相邻或接近以及集装箱运输贸易组团核心强大的经济吸引力,成为全球港口间集装箱运输贸易的首位联系形成的主要因素。 相似文献
89.
Devashish Mitra 《Journal of International Economics》2002,57(2):473-485
In a bargaining model of endogenous protection, I introduce fixed costs of political-organization that need to be incurred by capitalists prior to actual lobbying. Unlike Maggi and Rodriguez-Clare [J. Pol. Econ. 106(3) (1998) 575] intersectoral capital mobility is disallowed. Nevertheless, I am still able to obtain their main result that a government with low bargaining power vis-à-vis the import-competing lobby precommits to a free-trade agreement. Further, with high fixed organizational costs, the government prefers to stay out of such agreements. Its maximum bargaining power consistent with signing a trade agreement has an inverse-V-shaped relationship with respect to the size of fixed costs. 相似文献
90.
Ran Greenstein 《Journal of Consumer Policy》2006,29(4):417-433
This paper discusses movements that organize constituencies in order to allow them access to the consumption of goods and
services, while rejecting at the same time their identity as consumers. Instead, they base their claims on people’s identities
as citizens of the state and members of communities. Putting forward the notion of social rights, the paper examines how movements
operating among marginalized communities in the post-colonial world work to define rights and entitlements, and use these
to mobilize for enhancing the delivery of social services. In particular, the focus is on rights to land and to public utilities
(water and electricity) in post-apartheid South Africa. Examining these in the context of political transition, the paper
looks at different legal and political strategies, and the ways in which they draw on and shape discourses of power, rights,
and social consumption. It concludes that meaningful social change and effective service delivery require a combined strategy,
working with the courts and legal professionals, together with popular constituencies, the media, civil society organizations,
academics, and state officials. 相似文献